Immigrant Workers

It is no secret that legion(predicate) immigrants are also fleeing political persecution in addition to halting and most often Third-World economies. What is waiting for them is not always what they expect.

Immigrants desegregate themselves into the American economy is three general ways: as labor migrants, professional immigrants, entrepreneurial immigrants, and refugees/asylees (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990, pp. 14-25). Labor migrants, who are usually un-skilled and Hispanic, perform low working classs, such as crop picking, and arrange the highest immigrant numbers in recent years. They assent either illicitly by crossing U.S. borders or legally by victimization the "family reunification preference" clause in the immigration constabulary (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990, p. 15). Immigrants can enter the United States as "contract laborers" by and by the secretary of labor deems there is a shortage of a particular type of worker. But because of the complexity of the immigration process, many potential employers are hesitant to take it on; however, the biggest leave out for these workers is the U.S. minimum wage, which can be as much as six times the wage back home, and the availability of menial jobs that many Americans refuse to take (Portes and Rumbaut, 1990, p. 16.)

Professional immigrants, explain Portes and Rumbaut (1990, p. 18) enter the country based on visa allocations that are designed to allow professionals

Entrepreneurial immigrants, implore Portes and Rumbaut (1990, p. 22), thrive in their "ethnic enclaves" because they arrive with line of work acumen, they commit access to venture capital from their own saving accounts or the pooled resources of the community, and because they depend almost exclusively on family and recent immigrant labor. Portes and Rumbaut (1990, pp. 20-23) course credit Los Angeles' and New York's Korean and Chinese communities as having the greatest self-employment rates, business sense, and skill levels of the immigrants entering the United States.

"Manifestations of ethnicity," write Nelson and Tienda, "are structurally produced by their concentrations in minority labor markets" and by the unfading regeneration of cultural traditions and complaisant solidarity by newly arriving immigrants. Immigrant fond intercourse to economic and cultural production influence and anticipate the social organisation of ethnic experience. The fact that Hispanics are treated differently than other immigrant groups results in Hispanics working almost exclusively in low-wage jobs which in turn impact their social mobility. The confinement of Hispanics to menial task work has "strongly influenced subsequent exposure to and interactions with other races, social classes and cultural forces" (Nelson and Tienda, 1985). Social and economic isolation logically results in a limited access to opportunities other groups take for granted.

Ethnicity, locate Yancey, Erickson and Juliani (1976), rather than being a "constant ascribed trait" of veritable groups, is "a manifestation of the way populations are organized in terms of interaction patterns, institutions, personal values, attitudes, lifestyles" and a similarity of consciousness. then ethnicity is little the result of biology and more the effect of social environment and community. Taking a similar approach, Nelson and Tienda (1985), contend that ethnicity is less attributable to race and is more significantly the result of the race be
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