solely it is sick, this life that is set free, and must be healed. . . . It suffers from the malady which I have spoken of, the malady of account statement. Excess of history has attacked the credit card power of life that no more than understands how to use the old as a means of strength and nourishment (Nietzsche, Use, 1957, p. 69).
It is the ductile power of life, as expressed in the social and policy-making experience, that Nietzsche seeks to uncover in various works. He builds The Birth of calamity around the metaphorical opposition of Apollo (reason) and Dionysus ( high temperature), and the tension between the excesses of i or the other becomes almost a category of self-acting thought about social and political history. Nietzsche farther more laments the damage do by reason than the damage done by passion. He felt that Western civilization reflected the negation of passion by reason: "History indeed became the descending waiver of a great cycle in which these two drives repeatedly fought each other. . . . In this way Paul had blunted the cognitive content of Jesus, Aquinas had done the same to St. Francis, and so had Calvin to Luther, and European nationalists to short sleep" (Barker, 1982, p. 224). Where Nietzsche discerns a need for history, he cautions against making it an antique effigy upon which later generations may not maintain the appropriate lieu on events and trends.
Historical translate is only fruitful for the future if it follows a powerful life-giving influence, for example, a new system of culture--only, therefore, if it is guided and dominated by a higher force, and does not itself guide and dominate. History, so far as it serves life, serves an unhistorical power, and thus will never become a pure science like mathematics. . . . For by excess of history life becomes maimed and degenerate, and is followed by the degeneration of history as well (Nietzsche, Use, 1957, p. 12).
This is just another way of saying that the dosage is an all too rare phenomenon, a point that Nietzsche repeatedly makes when he explains the difference between the Super mankind and the great flock of men in the body politic.
As Sadler puts it, "The kind of `self-determination' [coming to harm with society] sought in the political realm is rejected by Nietzsche as philosophically irrelevant because it is oriented to herd-autonomy, the autonomy of the herd-self. To this he opposes, in typical Heraclitean spirit, the autonomy of the solitary philosopher whose `seriousness is regain elsewhere'" (Sadler, 1993, p. 226).
Sadler, T. (1993). The postmodern politicization of Nietzsche. Nietzsche, Feminism & Political Theory. Ed. P. Patton. New York: Routledge. 225-43.
History as an aspect of moral philosophy, which is to say as an aspect of political and social man, is what Nietzsche seeks to discover. In Genealogy of Morals, an exploration of the emergence of society, the fundament is good versus evil, but the real enterprise is to explain the political society as the difference between the morality of the overlord (i.e., hero, superman) and slave. Nietzsche's definition of what he terms noble morality, which "grows out of a triumphant affirmation of oneself" (Nietzsche, Morals, 1976, p. 51), is illustrative of this.
This is a type of man who is independent, even solitary, yet for that reason able to reach beyond present circumstances and create his own co
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